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14                       MAO TSE-TUNG
                                  POSTSCRIPT
                                    April 19, 1941

              The experience of the period of the ten years’ civil war is the
           best and most pertinent for the present period, the War of Resistance
           Against Japan. This refers to the aspect of how to link ourselves
           with the masses and mobilize them against the enemy, but not to the
           aspect of the tactical line. The Party’s present tactical line is different
           in principle from that of the past. Formerly, the Party’s tactical line
           was to oppose the landlords and the counter-revolutionary bour-
           geoisie; now, it is to unite with all those landlords and members of
           the bourgeoisie who are not against resisting Japan. Even in the
           latter stage of the ten years’ civil war, it was incorrect not to have
           adopted differing policies towards the reactionary government and
           political party which were launching armed attacks on us on the
           one hand, and towards all the social strata of a capitalist character
           under our own rule on the other; it was also incorrect not to have
           adopted differing policies towards the different groups within the
           reactionary government and political party. At that time, a policy
           of “all struggle” was pursued towards every section of society other
           than the peasantry and the lower strata of the urban petty bour-
           geoisie, and this policy was undoubtedly wrong. In agrarian policy,
           it was also wrong to repudiate the correct policy adopted in the early
           and middle periods of the ten years’ civil war,  whereby the land-
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           lords were given the same allotment of land as the peasants so that
           they could engage in farming and would not become displaced or
           go up into the mountains as bandits and disrupt public order. The
           Party’s policy is now of necessity a different one; it is not “all struggle
           and no alliance”, neither is it “all alliance and no struggle” (like the
           Chen Tu-hsiuism of 1927). Instead, it is a policy of uniting with all
           social strata opposed to Japanese imperialism, of forming a united
           front with and yet of waging struggles against them, struggles that
           differ in form according to the different degrees in which their
           vacillating or reactionary side manifests itself in capitulation to the
           enemy and opposition to the Communist Party and the people. The
           present policy is a dual policy which synthesizes “alliance” and
           “struggle”. In labour policy, it is the dual policy of suitably improving
           the workers’ livelihood and of not hampering the proper develop-
           ment of the capitalist economy. In agrarian policy, it is the dual
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